Why sunnis hate shiites

These sectarian conflicts have become proxy wars between Iran and Saudi Arabia, two nationalist actors pursuing their strategic rivalry in places where governance has collapsed. What is happening is not the supposed re-emergence of ancient hatreds, but the mobilization of a new animus. The instrumentalization of religion and the sectarianization of a political conflict is a better way of approaching the problem, rather than projecting religion as the driver and root cause of the predicament.

Sunnis and Shiites managed to coexist during most of their history when a modicum of political order provided security for both communities. In other words, the two communities are not genetically predisposed to fight each other. Conflict is not in their DNA, and war is not their destiny. The same goes for the nationalist rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia.

The regional conflict between Tehran and Riyadh is neither primordial nor intractable. As late as in the s, Iran and Saudi Arabia were monarchic allies against the nationalist republicanism of Egypt under Nasser. In short, Sunnis and Shiite are not fighting a religious war. Instead, Iranian and Arab nationalisms are engaged in a regional rivalry — particularly in Syria and Iraq — where governance has collapsed.

It was over political leadership," Robin Wright, a joint fellow at the non-partisan U. Institute of Peace and the Woodrow Wilson Center, said. Both Sunnis and Shiites read the Quran, the sayings of the Prophet. Both believe Prophet Muhammad was the messenger of Allah. And both follow the five tenets of Islam: They fast during Ramadan, pledge to make a pilgrimage to Mecca, practice ritual prayer which includes five prayers each day , give charity to the poor, and pledge themselves to their faith.

Their prayer rituals are nearly identical, with slight variations: For example, Shiites will stand with their hands at their sides, Sunnis will put their hands on their stomachs.

Their beliefs over who should have succeeded the Prophet Muhammad is the key theological difference between the two. Sunnis also have a less elaborate religious hierarchy than Shiites have, and the two sects' interpretation of Islam's schools of law is different.

She often visits a Shiite shrine in another Baghdad district. But he admits that there sometimes is tension between the families. Ahmed believes sectarian tensions have been strained because people have abused the democratic ideas emerging from the Arab Spring.

Democracy should be for people who want to do good things, not for those who are out for revenge. He sees it among his friends, who include Sunnis. But in the past decade, the most dangerous divide has been between Shiites and Sunnis. The Shiite resentment helped the rise of the guerrilla force Hezbollah, on whose might the community won greater power.

Since then, both sides have clashed in the streets. Hezbollah sent fighters to help Assad fight the rebels, enraging Sunnis region-wide. While not a fan of the hard-line group, she believes that Hezbollah and Syria are targeted because of their stances against Israel.

She said education plays a big role. He comes from a conservative, religious family but only occasionally goes to mosque.

He said the only way he would be able to tell the difference between a Sunni mosque and a Shiite one would be if the cleric talked about Syria in the sermon. Every year, Shiites around the world mark the battle with processions that turn into festivals of mourning, with men lashing or cutting themselves. Sunnis and Shiites come from the same root, they worship the same God. The Shiite powerhouse of the Middle East is home to a government led by Shiite clerics with oil wealth and a powerful Revolutionary Guard.

Tehran has extended its influence in the Arab world, mainly through its alliance with Syria, Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in the Palestinian territories. Since Sunnis have been dominant through history, Sunni clerics became subordinate to the rulers.

The Shiite clergy, he said, has been independent of power. This increases rifts. In a country where the Muslim population is overwhelmingly Sunni, many Egyptians know little about Shiites. The Shiite population is tiny and largely hidden — so secretive that its numbers are not really known.

But ultraconservative Salafis, many of whom view Shiites as infidels, have become more politically powerful and more vocal since the fall of autocrat Hosni Mubarak. They often preach against Shiism, warning it will spread to Egypt. She considers herself Sunni.